Sabtu, 12 September 2015

Islam: Governing Under Sharia

Islam: Governing Under Sharia

(aka shariah, shari'a)

Authors: Toni Johnson, and Mohammed Aly Sergie
Updated: July 25, 2014
 
Introduction
Sharia, or Islamic law, influences the legal code in most Muslim countries. A movement to allow sharia to govern personal status law, a set of regulations that pertain to marriage, divorce, inheritance, and custody, is even expanding into the West. "There are so many varying interpretations of what sharia actually means that in some places, it can be incorporated into political systems relatively easily," said CFR's Steven A. Cook. Sharia's influence on both personal status law and criminal law is highly controversial. Some interpretations are used to justify cruel punishments such as amputation and stoning, as well as unequal treatment of women in inheritance, dress, and independence. The debate is growing as to whether sharia can coexist with secularism, democracy, or even modernity, an idea that is being tested by several countries in the Middle East in the wake of popular uprisings and civil wars.
What is Sharia?
Also meaning "path" in Arabic, sharia guides all aspects of Muslim life, including daily routines, familial and religious obligations, and financial dealings. It is derived primarily from the Quran and the Sunna—the sayings, practices, and teachings of the Prophet Mohammed. Precedents and analogy applied by Muslim scholars are used to address new issues. The consensus of the Muslim community also plays a role in defining this theological manual.
Sharia developed several hundred years after the Prophet Mohammed's death in 632 CE as the Islamic empire expanded to the edge of North Africa in the West and to China in the East. Since the Prophet Mohammed was considered the most pious of all believers, his life and ways became a model for all other Muslims and were collected by scholars into what is known as the hadith. As each locality tried to reconcile local customs with Islam, hadith literature grew and developed into distinct schools of Islamic thought: the Sunni schools, Hanbali, Maliki, Shafi'i, Hanafi; and the Shiite school, Ja'fari. Named after the scholars that inspired them, they differ in the weight each applies to the sources from which sharia is derived, the Quran, hadith, Islamic scholars, and consensus of the community.
The Hanbali school, Islam's most orthodox which spawned the Wahhabi and Salafi branches, is embraced in Saudi Arabia and by the Taliban. The Hanafi school, known for being the most liberal and the most focused on reason and analogy, is dominant among Sunnis in Central Asia, Egypt, Pakistan, India, China, Turkey, the Balkans, and the Caucasus. The Maliki school is dominant in North Africa and the Shafi'i school in Indonesia, Malaysia, Brunei Darussalam, and Yemen. Shia Muslims follow the Ja'fari school, most notably in Shia-dominant Iran. The distinctions have more impact on the legal systems in each country, however, than on individual Muslims, as many do not adhere to one school in their personal lives.
Punishment and Equality Under Sharia
Marriage and divorce are the most significant aspects of sharia, while criminal law is the most controversial. In sharia, there are categories of offenses: those that are prescribed a specific punishment in the Quran, known as hadd punishments, those that fall under a judge's discretion, and those resolved through a tit-for-tat measure (i.e., blood money paid to the family of a murder victim). There are five hadd crimes: unlawful sexual intercourse (sex outside of marriage and adultery), false accusation of unlawful sexual intercourse, wine drinking (sometimes extended to include all alcohol drinking), theft, and highway robbery. Punishments for hadd offenses—flogging, stoning, amputation, exile, or execution—get a significant amount of media attention when they occur. These sentences are not often prescribed, however. "In reality, most Muslim countries do not use traditional classical Islamic punishments," said Ali Mazrui of the Institute of Global Cultural Studies in a Voice of America interview. These punishments remain on the books in some countries, but lesser penalties are often considered sufficient.
The issue of sharia law versus secular law gained new scrutiny in 2011 in the wake of uprisings in several Arab countries.
Extremist groups such as the al-Qaeda spinoff known as the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), have become notorious for executions by stoning and crucifixion. They apply hadd punishments rarely used in Islamic history. Vigilante justice also takes place. Honor killings, murders committed in retaliation for bringing dishonor on one's family, are a worldwide problem. While precise statistics are scarce, the UN estimates thousands of women are killed annually in the name of family honor. Other practices that are woven into the sharia debate, such as female genital cutting, child and adolescent marriages, polygamy, and gender-biased inheritance rules, elicit as much controversy.
There is significant debate over what the Quran sanctions and what practices were pulled from local customs that predate Islam. Those that seek to eliminate or at least modify these controversial practices cite the religious tenet of tajdid. The concept is one of renewal, where Islamic society must be reformed constantly to keep it in its purest form. Though many scholars share this line of thought, there are those who consider the purest form of Islam to be the one practiced in the seventh century.
Sharia vs. Secularism
The issue of sharia law versus secular law gained new scrutiny in 2011 in the wake of uprisings in several Arab countries, such as Libya, Tunisia, and Egypt, which ousted long-time autocrats and helped Islamist political parties gain prominence. A 2013 Pew poll conducted in thirty-nine countries found strong support for Islam in politics and for harsh punishments for crimes such as theft, adultery, and conversion away from Islam. At the same time, Muslims in only five countries, including Paksitan and Afghanistan, preferred a strong leader to a democratic form of governance.
Whether democracy and Islam can coexist is a topic of heated debate. Some conservative Muslims argue democracy is a purely Western concept imposed on Muslim countries. Others feel Islam necessitates a democratic system and that democracy has a basis in the Quran since "mutual consultation" among the people is commended (42:38 Quran). Rather than rejecting democracy, many Muslims see sharia as a means "to be liberated from government corruption and believe it can exist within a democratic and inclusive framework."
Some Muslim scholars say that secular government is the best way to observe sharia. "Enforcing a [sharia] through coercive power of the state negates its religious nature, because Muslims would be observing the law of the state and not freely performing their religious obligation as Muslims," said sharia expert Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na'im.
Opinions on the best balance of Islamic law and secular law vary, but sharia has been incorporated into political systems in three general ways:
Dual Legal System. Many majority Muslim countries have a dual system in which the government is secular but Muslims can choose to bring familial and financial disputes to sharia courts. The exact jurisdiction of these courts varies from country to country, but usually includes marriage, divorce, inheritance, and guardianship. Examples can be seen in Nigeria and Kenya, which have sharia courts that rule on family law for Muslims. A variation exists in Tanzania, where civil courts apply sharia or secular law according to the religious backgrounds of the defendants. Several countries, including Lebanon and Indonesia, have mixed jurisdiction courts based on residual colonial legal systems and supplemented with sharia.
Western countries are also exploring the idea of allowing Muslims to apply Islamic law in familial and financial disputes. In late 2008, the United Kingdom officially allowed tribunals governing marriage, divorce, and inheritance to make legally binding decisions if both parties agreed. The new system is in line with separate mediation allowed for Anglican and Jewish communities there. Criminal law remains under the gavel of the existing legal system. Supporters of this initiative, such as the former archbishop of Canterbury, Rowan Williams, argued that it would help maintain social cohesion in European societies increasingly divided by religion. However, some research suggests the process discriminates against women.
Sharia has become a topic of political concern in the United States in recent years. The state of Oklahoma passed a ballot measure in November 2010 to ban the use of sharia law in court cases, which supporters said was "a necessary preemptive strike" against Islamic law.
Several opponents of the construction of new mosques around the United States, including one near Ground Zero in lower Manhattan, have cited fear of the spread of sharia as a reason for their opposition. And about a third of Americans in an August 2010 Newsweek poll suspected U.S. President Barack Obama sympathizes with Islamist goals (PDF) to impose sharia.
Government Under God. In Muslim countries where Islam is the official religion, sharia is declared to be a source, or the source, of the law. Examples include Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Yemen, and the United Arab Emirates, where the governments derive their legitimacy from Islam. In Pakistan, Iran, and Iraq, among others, it is also forbidden to enact legislation that is antithetical to Islam. The crafting of new constitutions following the ouster of long-time rulers in Libya, Egypt, and Tunisia has led to a discussion about the role of Islamic law in a democracy. Efforts to force an Islamist agenda in Egypt by the Muslim Brotherhood led to the 2013 ouster of Mohamed Morsi, the country's first democratically elected president, and the return of a more secular military government.
Saudi Arabia employs one of the strictest interpretations of sharia. Women are under the guardianship of male relatives at all times, and must be completely covered in public. Elsewhere, governments are much more lenient, as in the United Arab Emirates, where alcohol is tolerated. Non-Muslims are not expected to obey sharia, and in most countries they are the under jurisdiction of special committees and adjunct courts under the control of the government.
Completely Secular. Muslim countries where the government is declared to be secular in the constitution include Azerbaijan, Tajikistan, Chad, Somalia, and Senegal. Islamist parties run for office occasionally in these countries and sharia often influences local customs. Popular Islamist groups are often viewed as a threat by existing governments. As in Azerbaijan in the 1990s, secularism is sometimes upheld by severe government crackdowns on Islamist groups and political parties. Similar clashes have occurred in Turkey. Under the suspicion that the majority party, the Islamist Justice and Development Party, was trying to establish sharia, Turkey's chief prosecutor petitioned the constitutional court in March 2008 to bar the party from politics altogether. Secular Muslim countries are a minority, however, and the popularity of Islamist political parties are narrowing the gap between religion and state.
Modern Economies and Sharia
Global Islamic financial assets rose to $1.3 trillion in 2012, double the level of 2007, an expansion rooted in consumer demand for products that comply with religious codes. Sharia-compliant financial instruments can't pay or collect interest, due to Islam's proscription of usury; Islamic investments also can't be associated with alcohol, pork, gambling, pornography, or other Muslim prohibitions. Islamic finance surged in recent decades by introducing products that mimic credit cards, savings accounts, and mortgages while avoiding interest. Islamic banks are growing rapidly in countries from Malaysia to Morocco, and even international lenders such as HSBC, Crédit Agricole, and Standard Chartered have developed Islamic banking divisions.
The growing pool of sharia-compliant assets is fueling demand for Islamic bonds, or sukuk, issued by corporations and governments, mainly in Muslim countries. Malaysia and Saudi Arabia dominate the sukuk market, but Prime Minister David Cameron's 2013 announcement that the United Kingdom will issue a £200 million ($327 million) sukuk indicates the potential for Islamic finance in global markets.
Lauren Vriens contributed to this report.

Additional Resources

This CFR Backgrounder looks at the links between sharia and militancy.
The book Islam and the Secular State by Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na'im examines the place of sharia in predominantly Muslim societies.
Law expert Noah Feldman in the New York Times in 2008 looked at sharia's contradictory reputation and why it has experienced a major revival among Muslims.
This CFR Backgrounder explains the origins and rise of Islamic finance.
Explore Muslim attitudes toward Sharia in this 2013 worldwide survey by the Pew Research Center.

Sumber: http://www.cfr.org/religion/islam-governing-under-sharia/p8034

Kamis, 10 September 2015

Review of "Principles of Islamic Jurisprudence" by Mohammad Hashim Kamali

Review of "Principles of Islamic Jurisprudence" by

Posted 25 August 2011, sections on urf and istishab added 28 August at reader request.
Professor Kamali is currently the founding Chairman and CEO of the International Institute of Advanced Islamic Studies based in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. I had the honour of meeting him when I visited Kuala Lumpur in May 2010 to attend the Sixth World Islamic Economic Forum.
Photo of Mohammed Amin with Professor KamaliThis 500 page book is probably the leading treatment of the subject in English, and I recommend it to anyone seriously interested in Islamic thinking.
This review uses some of Kamali’s chapter headings. I have not attempted to cover all of Kamali's material but only those subjects which I find particularly interesting or which give an important insight into the work. Accordingly this review does not claim to be a comprehensive summary of the book.

Introduction to usul al-fiqh

Fiqh is an Arabic word which can be translated as Islamic law. Its primary sources are the Quran and the Sunnah (the sayings and the actions of the Prophet Muhammad, peace be upon him, as recorded in the hadith).
Usul al-fiqh is the study of the sources of Islamic law and the methodology by which Islamic law is developed. Fiqh is the end product of the application of usul al-fiqh which is best translated as Islamic jurisprudence.
To be a competent Islamic jurist one must know both the law and the methods by which it was developed. As an example, Kamali points out that Islamic law prohibits theft. However the jurist needs to know the source which in this case is given as the Quran 2.188 "Devour not each other's property in defiance of the law."
During the lifetime of the Prophet (pbuh) Islamic law existed in the form of the Quran and the Prophet's rulings. However Islamic jurisprudence was not required as any new problem not covered by existing Islamic law could be referred to the Prophet (pbuh) for a decision. That decision would then become a part of the expanded Islamic law.
After the Prophet (pbuh) died, legal decisions were made by his companions, inspired by their knowledge of his approach to decisions, and they were not in need of any formal legal methodology or jurisprudence. However with the passage of time those who had known the Prophet (pbuh) passed away and gradually jurisprudence became a formal methodology.

The first source of Shariah: the Quran

Whereas Kamali is careful to define Arabic terms when he first uses them, he fails to do so with the word "Shariah" and the word is missing from the glossary at the end of the book. I suspect that this apparent oversight arises from the fact that Shariah is such an overarching concept for Muslims. The original meaning of the Arabic word Shariah is a path to water, which is of course a vital requirement in the Arabian desert. In a religious sense, Shariah can be understood as the path to salvation and encompasses all of the teachings and doctrines of Islam.
Given the importance of law to the practice of Islam, the common English translation of Shariah as "Islamic law" is not unreasonable but in my view it is more accurate to think of "Islamic law" as being fiqh and to think of Shariah as something more overarching such as “Islamic doctrine.”
Kamali explains that religious scholars are unanimous that the Quran is the most fundamental source of the Shariah. Indeed, some scholars consider it to be the only source, regarding all other sources as only being explanatory of the Quran. However Kamali points out that while the Quran contains over 6200 verses, less than 10% relate to law and jurisprudence while the remainder deal with matters of belief, morality and faith.

The definitive (qati) and the speculative (zanni)

Given the importance of the Quran, the way that it is to be read and understood is fundamental. Kamali explains that rulings in the Quran may be conveyed in text which is either unequivocal or in language that is open to different interpretations.
A definitive text is one which is clear and specific; it has only one meaning and admits of no other interpretations. Kamali gives the example of Quran 4.12 which entitles a husband to half of the estate of his deceased wife if she leaves no child: "In what your wives leave, your share is a half, if they leave no child." Kamali explains that a definitive text is binding upon everyone and is not open to ijtihad (literally "exertion" and technically the effort a jurist makes in order to deduce the law, when it is not self-evident, from its sources.)
Conversely, speculative verses of the Quran are those which are open to interpretation and ijtihad. Kamali explains that the best interpretation is that derived from the Quran as a whole while the Sunnah is another source that supplements the Quran and helps with its interpretation.
Kamali illustrates this with Quran 4.23 "Prohibited to you are your mothers and your daughters." The prohibition of marriage with one's mother is definitive.
However the Arabic word for "your daughters" could be taken literally which would be any girl for whom you are the biological father. Alternatively the juridical meaning could be applied which limits the meaning to a legitimate daughter. The jurists disagree which meaning applies. Kamali states that the Hanafi school (there are four main schools of Islamic law named after their founders) follow the first meaning prohibiting marriage to your illegitimate daughter. Conversely the Shafi school follow the second interpretation permitting marriage with your illegitimate daughter.

The Sunnah

Kamali starts by explaining the meaning of the word.
"Literally, Sunnah means a clear path or a beaten track but it is also used to imply normative practice, or an established course of conduct. A Sunnah may be a good example or a bad one, and it may be set by an individual, a sect or a community. In pre-Islamic Arabia, the Arabs use the word "Sunnah" in reference to the ancient and continuous practices of the community that they inherited from their forefathers. Thus it is said that the pre-Islamic tribes of Arabia each had their own Sunnah, which they considered the basis of their identity and pride. The opposite of Sunnah is bidah, or innovation, which is characterised by lack of precedent and continuity with the past."
The scholars of jurisprudence consider Sunnah as referring to all that is narrated from the Prophet (pbuh), his acts, his sayings and whatever he has tacitly approved.
Kamali explains that although scholars have used Sunnah and hadith almost interchangeably, the words have distinct meanings. Sunnah occurs 16 times in the Quran and is always used to imply an established practice or course of conduct. Hadith occurs 23 times in the Quran and in each case carries the meaning of a narrative or communication. None of the occurrences in the Quran use the word hadith in its technical exclusive sense of being a saying of the Prophet (pbuh). In juristic terms, Kamali states that hadith is a narration of the conduct of the Prophet (pbuh) whereas Sunnah is the law that is deduced from that conduct.

Proof-value (status) of Sunnah

Kamali explains that the scholars are unanimous that Sunnah is a source of Shariah. As the Quran commanded Muslims to obey the Prophet (pbuh), his words were obligatory for anyone who heard them. For the rest of us who receive them through the verbal and written reports of narrators, we need to ascertain their authenticity which may be definitive or it may be a preferable conjecture; in either case such established reports should be followed.
However, the Sunnah divides into two categories, non-legal and legal.
Non-legal Sunnah mainly consists of the natural activities of the Prophet (pbuh) such as the way he ate, slept and dressed. According to the majority of scholars, the Prophet’s (pbuh) preferences in these areas such as his favourite colours were peripheral to his prophetic mission and are therefore not part of the Shariah. The same would apply to what the Prophet (pbuh) did in very particular circumstances such as the timing of military actions; these are considered situational and not part of the Shariah.
In some cases it is difficult to determine the status. For example, the Prophet (pbuh) kept his beard at a particular length and trimmed his moustache. The majority of scholars have regarded this as an example that believers must follow. Conversely other scholars consider that the Prophet (pbuh) was simply following the social practice of the Arabs at that time which was designed to prevent resemblance to the Jews and to some non-Arabs who used to shave their beards and grow their moustaches. This view makes the style of facial hair optional.
The legal Sunnah consists of the actions of the Prophet (pbuh) which were expressly intended to set an example. This legal Sunnah itself divides into three types depending upon the capacity in which the Prophet (pbuh) was acting:
  • the Messenger of God
  • the head of state or imam
  • a judge
Rules which the Prophet (pbuh) laid down in his capacity of Messenger of God pertaining to the principles of the religion, especially in the area of devotional matters and setting out what is permissible and what is prohibited are general legislation whose validity is not restricted by the limitations of time and circumstance. Instead they apply to all Muslims everywhere. The individual Muslim should act upon these laws without needing prior authorisation from a religious leader or the government.
Conversely action which the Prophet (pbuh) authorised in his capacity as the imam can only be acted upon by other Muslims with prior authorisation of the imam for the time being. This would include matters such as government administration, signing treaties, division of the spoils of war, the declaration of war etc. Kamali points out that sometimes determining the status is difficult. He cites the hadith: "Whoever kills a warrior [in battle] may take his belongings."
Kamali states:
"Imam Malik held that the Prophet (pbuh) offered this hadith in his capacity as imam, in which case no one is entitled to the belongings of his victim in the battlefield without the express authorisation of the imam. The majority have held the view that this hadith lays down a general law which entitles the soldier to the belongings of the deceased even without the permission of the imam."
Sunnah originating from the Prophet (pbuh) in his capacity as a judge in particular disputes usually has two parts. One is situational relating to the specific dispute and does not constitute general law. The second part, being the judgement itself lays down general law. However nobody may act upon it without the prior authorisation of a competent judge since the Prophet (pbuh) himself was acting in a judicial capacity.

The distinction between the Quran and Sunnah

The Quran was recorded in writing from beginning to end during the Prophet's (pbuh) lifetime. He was anxious to ensure that his own Sunnah was not confused with the text of the Quran and initially discouraged his companions from writing down his Sunnah.
Accordingly, while we have a single agreed text of the Quran, open only to disputes regarding its meaning in certain cases, most of the Sunnah is only available in the form of narrations from transmitters and many of the hadith which have come from different lines of transmission differ in their detailed content. Unlike the Quran, the Sunnah faces issues not only of interpretation but also of authenticity. Kamali discusses this later in the book.

The priority of the Quran over the Sunnah

Kamali is categorical that the Sunnah is the second source of the Shariah after the Quran. Accordingly the jurist looking for the solution to a legal question must resort to the Sunnah only when he fails to find any guidance in the Quran. If there is a clear text in the Quran, it takes priority over any conflicting ruling of the Sunnah.
The reason the Quran takes priority is that it consists entirely of manifest revelation whereas the Sunnah, even though inspired by God, is largely transmitted in the words of the narrators and also is open to questions of authenticity. Conversely, the authenticity of the Quran is not open to doubt. Furthermore, the Sunnah is explanatory of the Quran.
Kamali cites the Prophet (pbuh) sending Muadh ibn Jabal as a judge to the Yemen and asking him how he would reach his decisions. Muadh responded that he would first refer first refer to the "book of God" and then to the "Sunnah of the messenger of God." He points out that this example was expressly referred to by the second Caliph Umar ibn al-Khattab in writing addressed to two judges who were ordered to resort to the Quran first and the Sunnah only when they could find no guidance in the Quran.

Is Sunnah an independent source?

Kamali explains that there are three types of relationship between the Quran and the Sunnah.
  1. Sunnah which simply confirms something which is already in the Quran.
  2. Sunnah which explains, clarifies or amplifies an existing teaching of the Quran.
  3. Rulings in the Sunnah on which the Quran is silent.
Kamali states that the first two varieties listed above constitute the majority of the Sunnah and that the ulama consider that these two types are integral to the Quran and constitute a logical whole with it. He goes on to say:
"It is considered that the Sunnah that qualifies or elaborates the general provisions of the Quran on devotional matters (ibadat), on the punishment for theft, on the duty of Zakah and on the subject of bequests, could only have originated in divine inspiration (ilham), for these cannot be determined by means of rationality and ijtihad alone."
He states that it is the third category which is the subject of debate as to whether the Sunnah is an independent source of law, and proceeds to discuss the alternative arguments of scholars.

Classification and value of hadith

Kamali explains in this section the methodology applied to evaluate hadith for genuineness and reliability. As he has written a separate book on this subject, this review does not try to summarise his exposition within the current book.
The highest category of hadith is mutawatir which means 'continuously recurrent.' This means "a report by an indefinite number of people related in such a way as to preclude the possibility of the agreement to perpetuate a lie.” Kamali explains that the majority of ulama regard the authority of a mutawatir hadith as equivalent to that of the Quran.
The next category down is a mashur (well-known) hadith. The schools of thought differ on the level of certainty that a mashur hadith gives.

Rules of interpretation - deducing the law from its sources

Kamali explains that in Arabic there are two common words for "interpretation" namely tafsir and tawil.
Tafsir literally means "explanation" and basically aims at explaining the meaning of a given text and deducing the ruling from it within the confines of the words and sentences. Accordingly the explanation follows immediately from the content of the text.
The word tawil could be translated as "allegorical interpretation" but Kamali prefers to use the Arabic word. Tawil goes beyond the literal meaning of words and sentences and reads into them a hidden meaning which is often based upon speculative reasoning and ijtihad. It should only be used when there is evidence to justify the departure from the manifest meaning of a text.
Tawil itself fall into two categories:
  • remote or far-fetched
  • relevant
Kamali illustrates remote tawil with the example of the Hanafi interpretation of a hadith. One of the companions of the Prophet (pbuh), Firuz al-Daylami embraced Islam having married two sisters before he became a Muslim. The Prophet (pbuh) ordered him to "retain one of the two, whichever you wish, and separate from the other."
The Hanafi interpretation is that al-Daylami was instructed to contract a new marriage with one of the sisters if he had previously married both in a single contract of marriage. However if he had married each sister in a separate contract, he was to retain the one whom he had married first without requiring a further marriage contract.
Their logic for this tawil interpretation is that there is a rule of Shariah prohibiting two women being married in a single contract. However the jurists regard this Hanafi interpretation as remote and not supported by the wording of the hadith. As a new convert to Islam, al-Daylami would not be expected to be familiar with the detailed rules of Shariah. Accordingly had the Prophet (pbuh) intended the interpretation given by the Hanafis, he would have clarified his ruling himself.
As an illustration of relevant tawil, Kamali cites the Quranic verse 5.6 "O believers, when you stand for salah [prayer], wash your faces and your hands up to the elbows." The interpretation is that ablution is required before standing for prayer since the contrary interpretation of performing ablution after starting to pray makes no sense.

Rules of interpretation – textual implications

Kamali explains that the law normally requires compliance not only with the obvious meaning of a sacred text but also with its implied meanings and indirect implications and inferences that could be drawn from the text. He explains that Hanafi jurists have distinguished four levels of meaning in declining order of priority.

(1) The explicit meaning (Ibarah al-Nass)

This is the immediate meaning of the text derived from its obvious words and sentences. Such a meaning conveys a definitive ruling on its own without needing corroborative evidence.

(2) The alluded meaning (Isharah al-Nass)

As well as the explicit meaning, a text may also can be an additional meaning that is logically necessary. This alluded meaning may be easily detectable or may need deeper investigation.
Kamali gives the example of Quran 2.233 "it is his [father's] duty to provide them with maintenance and clothing according to custom." The explicit meaning is the father's duty to support his child. However a further implication is that a child’s descent is solely attributed to the father. Furthermore when combined with the hadith "you and your property both belong to your father" the text provides authority for the father if in dire need to take what he needs of his child’s property without seeking the child’s permission.

(3) The inferred meaning (Dalalah al-Nass)

This is a meaning derived from the spirit and rationale of a text even when it is not indicated in the words and sentences. Instead it is derived through analogy and some scholars have in fact treated it as equivalent to analogical deduction (qiyas jali) which is discussed later.
Kamali gives the example of Quran 17.23 "and say not "Fie" to them [one's parents]" where the explicit meaning is uttering words of contempt to your parents. The inferred meaning is that all forms of abusive behaviour and acts which offend your parents are forbidden.

(4) The required meaning (Iqtida al-Nass)

This is a meaning on which the text itself is silent but which must be read into the text if the text is to fulfil its proper objective. Kamali gives the example of Quran 5.3 "Unlawful to you are the dead carcass and blood". Although the text does not refer to eating, that is a necessary implication for the text to convey a complete meaning.
Kamali gives an example of how the explicit meaning takes priority over the alluded meaning. Quran 4.93 states "Whoever deliberately kills a believer; his punishment will be permanent hellfire." The explicit meaning of this verse is that a murderer is punished in the hereafter. However there is an alluded meaning that a murderer does not need punishment in this lifetime as they will be punished after death. Yet Quran 2.178 provides "retaliation is prescribed for you in cases of murder" and the explicit meaning of that verse takes priority over the alluded meaning of verse 4.93.
Kamali also gives an example of the conflict between the alluded meaning and the inferred meaning. Quran 4.92 states "The expiation (kaffarah) of anyone who erroneously kills a believer is to set free a Muslim slave." The explicit meaning of the text is straightforward. The inferred meaning is that freeing a Muslim slave is also required in the case of intentional killing. However the following verse 4.93 quoted above has an alluded meaning that murder is so heinous that there is no room for expiation so that the killer is not required to free a slave. The alluded meaning of 4.93 takes priority over the inferred meaning of 4.92 so the murderer is not required to pay expiation, although he is of course subject to retaliation.
This demonstrates the Hanafi school order of priority mentioned earlier.
However the Shafi school considers that the inferred meaning takes priority over the alluded meaning on the grounds that the inferred meaning is based on the language and rationale of the text whereas the alluded meaning is not. Accordingly the Shafi school would require the murderer to pay expiation as well as suffering retaliation.

The divergent meaning (Mafhum al-Mukhalafah)

Kamali explains that the rule is that a legal text never implies its opposite meaning and that any attempt to obtain two divergent meanings from one and the same text goes against the principles of interpretation. Accordingly the Hanafi school basically consider that the divergent meaning is not a valid method of interpretation. However it is used on a restricted basis by the Shafi school but also (despite the preceding comment) by the Hanafi school in certain cases.
A divergent meaning is one which is derived from the words of the text but in a way that diverges from the explicit meaning. Looking at the examples Kamali discusses in his book, I think it is fair to say that a divergent meaning consists of trying to derive a legal ruling by looking at the opposite of the explicit meaning of a text.
Kamali gives the example of Quran 6.145 "Say, I find nothing in the message that is revealed to me forbidding anyone who wishes to eat except the dead carcass and blood shed forth." Looking at the final part of this verse, the divergent meaning would be to say that since blood shed forth is prohibited, blood which is not shed forth is lawful for consumption. That is regarded as improper reasoning.

Abrogation (Naskh)

In today's world abrogation is one of the most controversial issues in Islam. At the risk of extreme oversimplification, many of the verses in the Quran that were revealed in Mecca convey a universalistic message of religious tolerance while some of the verses revealed later in Medina can be interpreted as "warlike" or intolerant of non-Muslims. If one regards these later verses as abrogating the earlier ones, one can paint an image of Islam that is narrow and exclusionary. This is done today both by non-Muslims wishing to criticise Islam but also by some Muslims (for example the adherents of Al Qaeda) who contend that the only relationship between Islam and other religions is one of unavoidable military conflict.
Literally the word naskh means 'obliteration.' Kamali writes:
"Naskh may be defined as the suspension or replacement of one Shariah ruling by another, provided the latter is of subsequent origin, and that the two rulings are enacted separately from one another. According to this definition, naskh operate with regard to the rules of Shariah only, a proviso which precludes the application of naskh to rulings that are founded in rationality ('aql') alone."
Kamali makes a number of points in his discussion of the subject:
  • Abrogation applies almost exclusively to the Quran and the Sunnah but not to ijma and qiyas.
  • It is confined to the period while the Prophet (pbuh) was alive.
  • Ijma cannot abrogate a clear ruling of the Quran or the Sunnah since one can never conclude a valid ijma that contradicts the Quran or the Sunnah.
  • A Quranic ruling or a mutawatir hadith cannot be abrogated by a weaker hadith, by ijma or by qiyas. These are not of equal authority to the foregoing. That is also the reason why there can be no abrogation after the Prophet (pbuh) died.
  • Statements of fact in the Quran (such as the destruction of the people of Thamud by a storm) cannot be abrogated since that would imply that the original statement in the Quran had been false.
  • Some Quranic teachings (for example the attributes of God) are inherently incapable of being abrogated.
  • The text itself may preclude the possibility of abrogation. For example Quran 24:4 states that persons who are convicted of slanderous accusation may never be admitted as witnesses. The word “never” indicates that this is a principle valid for all time and therefore not capable of being abrogated.
  • There are varying views as to whether a hadith can abrogate the Quran. The general view is that a ruling of the Quran may be abrogated by another Quranic text or by a mutawatir hadith. The Hanafi view permits abrogation of the Quran by a mashhur hadith as that is almost as strong as a mutawatir hadith.

    Conversely Shafi and ibn Hanbal considered that no hadith could abrogate the Quran. Shafi explains his view by reference to Quran 16:101 'and when we substitute one ayah in place of another ayah, and God knows best what He reveals.' According to Shafi, this text is self-evident on the point that an ayah of the Quran can only be abrogated or replaced by another ayah. That argument is further strengthened by Quran 10:15 'Say: it is not for me to change it of my own accord. I only follow what is revealed to me.' which makes it clear that the Prophet (pbuh) himself cannot change any part of the Quran.

    However Kamali explains that despite Shafi’s arguments, the majority opinion of scholars is that the Sunnah can abrogate the Quran (and vice versa.)
Kamali points out that the scholars are not unanimous about whether abrogation has actually occurred in the Quran. He mentions that al-Suyuti claimed to have identified 21 occurrences of abrogation within the Quran while Shah Wali Allah accepted only five of those as genuine abrogation contending that all of the rest can be reconciled. Another scholar, Abu Muslim al-Isfahani denied the existence of abrogation in the Quran altogether. However the majority view is that abrogation within the Quran does take place as the ayahs quoted earlier attest to it. The commentators  in the minority who contend that there is no abrogation consider that the ayahs mentioned in these quotations as being substituted refer not to ayahs of the Quran but to previous Scriptures such as the Torah and the Bible.
Kamali accepts the majority view that abrogation has occurred within the Quran but points out the divergence regarding the number of instances, quoting the varying counts of abrogation identified by different scholars:
  • 214 Ibn Hazm al-Zahiri
  • 213 Wahbatullah Ibn Salamah
  • 247 Jalaml al-Din Ibn Jawzi
  • 500 The Mutazilites
  • 66 Abd al-Qadir al Baghdadi
  • 21 Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti
  • 5 Shah Wali Allah
  • Zero -  Abu Muslim al-Isfahani
Kamali goes on to explain the tendency of modern scholars to reduce the instances of abrogation to the lowest possible number. He points out that some of the large numbers above arise from confusing naskh with takhsis (specification, i.e. making a ruling more specific) and also occasions where the effective cause of a ruling disappears:
"Similarly, large numbers of Quranic ayat that advocated patience and tolerance towards the unbelievers were claimed to have been abrogated by the ayat that authorised fighting the unbelievers. There was in reality no abrogation and both rulings were valid under different circumstances. The earlier ayat applied at a time when the Muslims were small in number and weak, and the latter when they acquired military power."
Kamali goes on to draw upon criticism of the approach of some early Muslim scholars in the book “The Islamic Theory of International Relations: New Directions for Islamic Methodology and Thought” by Abdul Hamid Abu Sulayman. Kamali writes:
"The broad sweep of naskh was, however, taken so far as to invalidate a major portion of the Quran. This is precisely the case with regard to the ayah of the sword (ayah al-sayf) which reads: 'and fight the polytheists all together as they fight you all together, and know that God is with those who restrain themselves' (al-Tawbah, 9:36).
Influenced by the prevailing pattern of hostile relations with non-Muslims, some jurists took an extreme position in interpreting this ayah, and claimed that it abrogated all preceding ayat pertaining to patients, tolerance and the right of others to self-determination. Although scholars are not in agreement on the exact number of ayat that were abrogated as a result, Mustafa Abu Zayd has found that the ayah of the sword abrogated no less than 140 ayat in the Holy Book. Jurists who were inclined to stress the aggressive aspect of jihad could only do so by applying abrogation to a large number of Quranic ayat, and 'using abrogation in this manner has', Abu Sulayman contests, 'indeed narrowed the Quranic experience' and undermined the egalitarian substance of its teachings. In many passages the Quran calls for peace, compassion and forgiveness, and promotes a set of moral values such as moderation, humility, patience and tolerance whose scope could not be said to be confined to relations among Muslims alone."
Kamali's overall conclusion is to express doubt about the theory of abrogation:
"My general comment is that the theory of naskh and most of its cited examples are also open to a variety of doubts. Naskh as a whole is really too controversial to command the alleged support of the majority (jumhur) of Muslim scholars in its favour. To say that there were instances where some of the rulings of Sunnah, or even of the Quran, were amended due to the change of circumstances is not in doubt. But then to extend the scope of this essentially circumstantial phenomenon to a juridical doctrine with a theory, definition and typology of its own is less than warranted. Naskh is basically factual and has little juridical substance of its own, nor does it seem to have a direct bearing on the substance of legal theory."

Consensus of opinion (ijma)

Ijma is defined as the unanimous agreement of the mujtahidun (jurists competent to formulate independent tradition-based opinions in legal or theological matters) at any point in time after the death of the Prophet (pbuh). It was clearly not relevant while the Prophet (pbuh) was alive since during his lifetime only he was able to lay down religious decisions. Only the views of mujtahidun are taken into account; the opinions of laymen do not matter.
Kamali states four requirements for ijma:
  1. There must be a number of mujtahidun available when the issue is encountered. Ijma can never come from a single mujtahid or from a minority of mujtahidun.
  2. The majority view of the scholars is that unanimity of the mujtahidun is required to establish ijma. Accordingly if some scholars dissent, there cannot be ijma.
  3. The agreement of the mujtahidun must be demonstrated by their expressed opinion.
  4. Although some scholars disagree, the generally accepted view is that any level of dissent disqualifies the existence of ijma.

Analogical reasoning (qiyas)

Qiyas is a method for extending the application of Shariah from an original case to a new case because the latter has the same effective cause as the original case. This does not involve creating new law but only the extension of existing law. Kamali gives some simple examples:
  1. The Quran in 62:9 prohibits buying and selling goods from the last call of Friday prayer until the Friday prayer is concluded. Using qiyas this prohibition is extended to all other kinds of transactions since the effective cause, namely diversion from prayer, is common to all transactions.
  2. There is a hadith that the killer shall not inherit from his victim. Using qiyas this ruling is extended to bequests so that the killer can also not benefit from the will of his victim.

Revealed laws preceding the Shariah of Islam

The scholars are unanimous that all of the revealed religions (Judaism, Christianity and Islam) are different manifestations of an essential unity. The Shariah of Islam has retained many of the previous laws while abrogating or suspending others.
This chapter discusses the following alternative propositions:
  1. The laws preceding Islam are valid unless they are specifically abrogated by the Shariah of Islam.
  2. The preceding laws are nullified for Muslims unless they are specifically upheld by the Shariah of Islam.
After discussing the issue, Kamali concludes that proposition two is correct.

Custom (urf)

While the Quran and the Sunnah are the primary and secondary sources of Islamic law, there are also tertiary sources.
Kamali defines urf as "Recurring practices that are acceptable to people of sound nature." He goes on to explain "Custom that does not contravene the principles of Shariah is valid and authoritative; it must be observed and upheld by a court of law."
In my view this is similar to the way that English common law developed from the customs and practices of the Anglo-Saxons living in England. It also shows that although the teaching of the Prophet (pbuh) radically transformed pre-Islamic Arab society, it did not replace previous practices that did not conflict with Islam. Kamali writes:
"The ulama have generally accepted urf as a valid criterion for the purposes of interpreting the Quran. To give an example, the Quranic commentators have referred to urf in determining the precise amount of maintenance a husband must provide for his wife. This is the subject of sura al-Talaq (65:7) which provides 'Let those who possess means pay according to their means.' In this ayah, the Quran does not specify the exact amount of maintenance, which is to be determined by reference to custom."
Kamali goes on to discuss the requirements for the existence of a valid urf and also points out that custom will change from time to time as society itself changes.

Presumption of continuity (istishab)

Kamali explains that the word istishab literally means escorting or companionship and is used in the sense that the past accompanies the present without any interruption or change. He writes:
"For the Shafis and the Hanbalis, istishab denotes 'continuation of that which is proven and negation of that which had not existed'. Istishab, in other words, presumes the continuation of both the positive and negative until the contrary is established by evidence."
As an illustration, if someone who owes a debt claims that it is no longer his liability, he needs to prove that he has repaid it. Conversely if someone wishes to claim that another person owes him money, it is up to the claimant to prove that the debt has come into being.

Personal reasoning (ijtihad)

Ijtihad is the most important source of Islamic law after the Quran and the Sunnah. It incorporates all of the processes for deriving Islamic law covered in the book such as consensus of opinion, analogy, juristic preference, considerations of public interest etc. The literal meaning of ijtihad is "striving" and of course it relates to intellectual exertion rather than physical exertion.
Ijtihad can only be practised by an appropriately qualified person, a mujtahid who must be a Muslim of sound mind who has attained a level of intellectual competence that enables him to form an independent judgement. There are detailed requirements regarding expert knowledge of the Arabic language, of the Quran including the details of the revelation of its verses, of the hadith and of the work of earlier religious scholars.
Ijtihad is not possible where there is an existing clear ruling of the Quran or the Sunnah. However ijtihad may be practised where the meaning of the text of the Quran is unclear, where a hadith is unclear or where a hadith is clear in its terms but the reliability of the hadith is uncertain.
Ijtihad is a religious duty; once a person is appropriately qualified as a mujtahid he may no longer follow the rulings of others by imitation (taqlid) but must reach his own decision by practising ijtihad and his conclusion then becomes binding upon himself.

The divisibility of ijtihad

The scholars disagree on the question of whether qualification to practice ijtihad is divisible. Some consider that the requirements to be a mujtahid can only be met in full and that once somebody is so qualified he can practice ijtihad in all areas of the Shariah.
Conversely other scholars consider that a person can be learned in a particular area of the Shariah only and be qualified to practice ijtihad within that limited area but not within other parts of the Shariah. In practice many of the most prominent imams have acknowledged their limited knowledge in certain areas; Imam Malik is said to have admitted that for at least 36 issues he did not know the right answer even though there are no doubts regarding his competence as a fully-fledged mujtahid.

Did the Prophet (pbuh) practice ijtihad?

Kamali has a section discussing this interesting question. The scholars generally agree that the Prophet (pbuh) practised ijtihad in temporal and military matters, but differ regarding whether he practised ijtihad on Shariah questions.
Some scholars point to Quran 53:3 'he says nothing of his own desire, it is nothing other than revelation sent down to him.’ They contend that this ayah implies that all of the rulings of the Prophet (pbuh) consist of divine revelation so that none of them constitute ijtihad.
Kamali explains that the majority view is that in the above ayah "it" refers to the Quran itself and not to every word that the Prophet (pbuh) spoke. In particular, there are instances in the Quran where earlier decisions of the Prophet (pbuh) are overruled and he is reprimanded by God while being given a divine pardon for his mistakes. This majority view is also supported by the Sunnah, for example the hadith 'when I do not receive a revelation, I adjudicate among you on the basis of my opinion.'

Restrictions on ijtihad

As part of a drive to impose restrictions on ijtihad, the scholars of the fifth/eleventh century classified the right to practice ijtihad into different categories, eventually reaching seven categories:
  1. Full mujtahid who derives rulings from the evidence in the original sources without being restricted by the rules of a particular school of thought. Quite critically, with the exception of the Hanbali school, the other three schools of thought concluded that independent ijtihad had been discontinued; the so-called "closure of the gate of ijtihad."
  2. Mujtahidun who are limited to expanding the law within the confines of a particular school of thought while adhering to the principles laid down by the imam of that school.
  3. Mujtahidun on particular issues only. While the practitioners within these first three categories are called mujtahidun, the scholars in the following four categories have been classified as imitators.
  4. The so-called ashab al-takhrij who did not deduce rulings but were knowledgeable about existing doctrine and able to indicate which view was preferable in cases of ambiguity or for particular prevailing conditions.
  5. The ashab al-tarjih who were competent to make comparisons and distinguish the correct (sahih), the preferred (rajah, arjah) and the agreed upon (mufti biha) views from weaker ones.
  6. The ashab al-tashih who could distinguish between the manifest (Zahir al-riwayah) and the rare or obscure (al-nawadir) views of the schools of thought to which they belonged. Kamali points out that categories 4-6 overlap somewhat and could easily be consolidated into one.
  7. The muqallidun (‘imitators’) who lack the abilities of any of the above classes.
Over the last 200 years there has been movement back towards the wider practice of ijtihad, seeking to renovate Islam by going back to the original sources of the Quran and Sunnah rather than being confined to the rulings of earlier jurists.

A new scheme for usul al-fiqh

Kamali points out that the methods of usul al-fiqh are conspicuously absent in the legislative and judicial decision-making processes of contemporary Muslim majority countries. He points out the theoretical orientation of usul al-fiqh:
“Usul al fiqh is often described as a theoretical, rather than empirical, discipline, which is studied more for its own sake than as a means by which to develop the law in relation to new issues. This is one of the problems of the legal theory of usul, which took a turning for the worse with the domination of taqlid around the fourth/tenth century. With the so-called closure of the door of ijtihad, the ulama resorted less and less to the sources of Shariah for finding solutions to problems. Instead of addressing social issues and attempting to find new solutions, the ulama of later ages (al-muta akhkhirun) occupied themselves mainly with the elaboration, annotation, abridgement, summaries and glossaries of the works of their predecessors. At first, ijtihad was discouraged. Then in the fifth/eleventh and sixth/twelfth centuries, scholars were restricted to tarjih, or giving preference to the opinion of one Imam or another on questions of fiqh. However tarjih was also discouraged and scholars were restricted to choosing between rulings within a single madhab [school of thought]. In this way the door to independent legal thought was shut and then barred.”
Kamali emphasises the lack of empiricism in the work of the ulama and the fact that they paid little attention to developing systematic rational knowledge regarding law and social structure. He also points out that usul al-fiqh was developed by private jurists working in isolation from government and often with unfriendly relations with government. This rift began with the Umayyad rulers and became deeper under the Abbasids.
He considers that usul al-fiqh could be considerably improved by integrating the Quranic principle of consultation into its procedures and also by becoming more connected with the practicalities of government.

Conclusion (Kamali's last chapter)

Kamali reminds us that Shariah is not static:
“It is equally evident that the methodology of usul al-fiqh would have little meaning and purpose if the Shariah were meant to be a fixed and unchangeable entity. Usul al-fiqh is predicated on the idea of development and growth, and functions as a vehicle of accommodation and compromise between the normative values of Shariah and the practicalities of social change.”
Overall, he seeks some form of integration between the elected representative assemblies that democratic Muslim majority countries that have set up and usul al-fiqh.

Reviewers concluding comments

Despite being 500 pages long, the book was easy to read because the importance of the subject matter and Kamali’s clear writing style keeps one reading. He brings out the differences between the various schools of thought, and is not afraid to offer his own opinions.
Reading the book will give both Muslims and non-Muslims a much deeper appreciation of the richness of Islamic thought. It shows the great care Muslims have taken over the interpretation of the Quran and Sunnah, and how they were able to extend these sources to generate new law as circumstances changed.
All too often, some Muslims assert that theirs is the only true interpretation of Islam, with their assertions often being accompanied by threats of takfir (pronouncement that a person has ceased to be a Muslim) directed against anyone who dares to disagree with them. Reading this book will equip Muslims to treat such assertions with the scepticism that they deserve.

Sumber: http://www.mohammedamin.com/Reviews/Principles-of-Islamic-jurisprudence.html

Rabu, 09 September 2015

Law in Contemporary Islam

Law in Contemporary Islam

The scope of Sharīʿah law and the mode of its administration

During the 19th century the impact of Western civilization upon Muslim society brought about radical changes in the fields of civil and commercial transactions and criminal law. In these matters the Sharīʿah courts were felt to be wholly out of touch with the needs of the time, not only because of their system of procedure and evidence but also because of the substance of the Sharīʿah doctrine, which they were bound to apply.
As a result, the criminal and general civil law of the Sharīʿah was abandoned in most Muslim countries and replaced by new codes based upon European models with a new system of secular tribunals to apply them. Thus, with the notable exception of the Arabian Peninsula, where the Sharīʿah is still formally applied in its entirety, the application of Sharīʿah law in Islam has been broadly confined, from the beginning of the 20th century, to family law, including the law of succession at death and the particular institution of waqf endowments.
Nor, even within this circumscribed sphere, is Sharīʿah law today applied in the traditional manner. Throughout the Middle East generally Sharīʿah family law is now expressed in the form of modern codes, and it is only in the absence of a specific relevant provision of the code that recourse is had to the traditionally authoritative legal manuals. In India and Pakistan much of the family law is now embodied in statutory legislation, and since the law is there administered as a case-law system, the authority of judicial decisions has superseded that of the legal manuals.
In most countries, too, the court system has been, or is being, reorganized to include, for instance, the provision of appellate jurisdictions. In Egypt and Tunisia the Sharīʿah courts, as a separate entity, have been abolished, and Sharīʿah law is now administered through a unified system of national courts. In India, and, since partition, in Pakistan it has always been the case that Sharīʿah law has been applied by the same courts that apply the general civil and criminal law.
Finally, in many countries, special codes have been enacted to regulate the procedure and evidence of the courts that today apply Sharīʿah law. In the Middle East documentary and circumstantial evidence are now generally admissible; witnesses are put on oath and may be cross-examined, and the traditional rule that evidence is only brought by one side and that the other side, in suitable circumstances, takes the oath of denial has largely broken down. In sum, the court has a much wider discretion in assessing the weight of the evidence than it had under the traditional system of evidence. In India and Pakistan the courts apply the same rules of evidence to cases of Islamic law as they do to civil cases generally. The system is basically English law, codified in the Indian Evidence Act, 1872.

Reform of Sharīʿah law

Traditional Islamic family law reflected to a large extent the patriarchal scheme of Arabian tribal society in the early centuries of Islam. Not unnaturally certain institutions and standards of that law were felt to be out of line with the circumstances of contemporary Muslim society, particularly in urban areas where tribal ties had disintegrated and movements for the emancipation of women had arisen. At first this situation seemed to create the same apparent impasse between the changing circumstances of modern life and an allegedly immutable law that had caused the adoption of Western codes in civil and criminal matters. Hence, the only solution that seemed possible to Turkey in 1926 was the total abandonment of the Sharīʿah and the adoption of Swiss family law in its place. No other Muslim country, however, has as yet followed this example. Instead, traditional Sharīʿah law has been adapted in a variety of ways to meet present social needs.
From the outset the dominating issue in the Middle East has been the question of the juristic basis of reforms—i.e., granted their social desirability, their justification in terms of Islamic jurisprudential theory, so that the reforms appear as a new, but legitimate, version of the Sharīʿah. In the early stages of the reform movement, the doctrine of taqlīd (unquestioning acceptance) was still formally observed and the juristic basis of reform lay in the doctrine of siyāsah, or “government,” which allows the political authority (who, of course, has no legislative power in the real sense of the term) to make administrative regulations of two principal types.
The first type concerns procedure and evidence and restricts the jurisdiction of the Sharīʿah courts in the sense that they are instructed not to entertain cases that do not fulfill defined evidential requirements. Thus, an Egyptian law was enacted in 1931 that no disputed claim of marriage was to be entertained where the marriage could not be proved by an official certificate of registration, and no such certificate could be issued if the bride was younger than 16 or the bridegroom younger than 18 years of age at the time of the contract. Accordingly the marriage of a minor contracted by the guardian was still perfectly valid but would not, if disputed, be the subject of judicial relief from the courts. In theory the doctrine of the traditional authorities was not contradicted, but in practice an attempt had been made to abolish the institution of child marriage. The second type of administrative regulation was a directive to the courts as to which particular rule among existing variants they were to apply. This directive allowed the political authority to choose from the views of the different schools and jurists the opinion that was deemed best suited to present social circumstances. For example, the traditional Ḥanafī law in force in Egypt did not allow a wife to petition for divorce on the ground of any matrimonial offense committed by the husband, a situation that caused great hardship to abandoned or ill-treated wives. Mālikī law, however, recognizes the wife’s right to judicial dissolution of her marriage on grounds such as the husband’s cruelty, failure to provide maintenance and support, and desertion. Accordingly, an Egyptian law of 1920 codified the Mālikī law as the law henceforth to be applied by the Sharīʿah courts.
By way of comparison, reform in the matters of child marriage and divorce was effected in the Indian subcontinent by statutory enactments that directly superseded the traditional Ḥanafī law. The Child Marriage Restraint Act, 1929, prohibited the marriage of girls younger than 14 and boys younger than 16 under pain of penalties; while the Dissolution of Muslim Marriages Act, 1939, modelled on the English Matrimonial Causes Acts, allowed a Ḥanafī wife to obtain judicial divorce on the standard grounds of cruelty, desertion, failure to maintain, etc.
In the Middle East, by the 1950s, the potential for legal reform under the principle of siyāsah had been exhausted. Since that time the basic doctrine of taqlīd has been challenged to an ever-increasing degree. On many points the law recorded in the medieval manuals, insofar as it represents the interpretations placed by the early jurists upon the Qurʾān and the Sunnah, has been held no longer to have a paramount and exclusive authority. Contemporary jurisprudence has claimed the right to renounce those interpretations and to interpret for itself, independently and afresh in the light of modern social circumstances, the original texts of divine revelation: in short, to reopen the door of ijtihād that had been in theory closed since the 10th century.
The developing use of ijtihād as a means of legal reform may be seen through a comparison of the terms of the Syrian law of Personal Status (1953) with those of the Tunisian Law of Personal Status (1957) in relation to the two subjects of polygamy and divorce by repudiation (ṭalāq).
As regards polygamy the Syrian reformers argued that the Qurʾān itself urges husbands not to take additional wives unless they are financially able to make proper provision for their maintenance and support. Classical jurists had construed this verse as a moral exhortation binding only on the husband’s conscience. But the Syrian reformers maintained that it should be regarded as a positive legal condition precedent to the exercise of polygamy and enforced as such by the courts. This novel interpretation was then coupled with a normal administrative regulation that required the due registration of marriages after the permission of the court to marry had been obtained. The Syrian Law accordingly enacts: “The qāḍī may withhold permission for a man who is already married to marry a second wife, where it is established that he is not in a position to support them both.” Far more extreme, however, is the approach of the Tunisian reformers. They argued that, in addition to a husband’s financial ability to support a plurality of wives, the Qurʾān also required that co-wives should be treated with complete impartiality. This Qurʾānic injunction should also be construed, not simply as a moral exhortation, but as a legal condition precedent to polygamy, in the sense that no second marriage should be permissible unless and until adequate evidence was forthcoming that the wives would in fact be treated impartially. But under modern social and economic conditions such impartial treatment was a practical impossibility. And since the essential condition for polygamy could not be fulfilled the Tunisian Law briefly declares: “Polygamy is prohibited.”
With regard to ṭalāq the Syrian law provided that a wife who had been repudiated without just cause might be awarded compensation by the court from her former husband to the maximum extent of one year’s maintenance. The reform was once again represented as giving practical effect to certain Qurʾānic verses that had been generally regarded by traditional jurisprudence as moral rather than legally enforceable injunctions—namely, those verses that enjoin husbands to “make a fair provision” for repudiated wives and to “retain wives with kindness or release them with consideration.” The effect of the Syrian law, then, is to subject the husband’s motive for repudiation to the scrutiny of the court and to penalize him, albeit to a limited extent, for abuse of his power. Once again, however, the Tunisian ijtihād concerning repudiation is far more radical. Here the reformers argued that the Qurʾān orders the appointment of arbitrators in the event of discord between husband and wife. Clearly a pronouncement of repudiation by a husband indicated a state of discord between the spouses. Equally clearly the official courts were best suited to undertake the function of arbitration that then becomes necessary according to the Qurʾān. It is on this broad ground that the Tunisian law abolishes the right of a husband to repudiate his wife extrajudicially and enacts that: “Divorce outside a court of law is without legal effect.” Although the court must dissolve the marriage if the husband persists in his repudiation, it has an unlimited power to grant the wife compensation for any damage she has sustained from the divorce—although in practice this power has so far been used most sparingly. In regard to polygamy and ṭalāq therefore, Tunisia has achieved by reinterpretation of the Qurʾān reforms hardly less radical than those effected in Turkey some 30 years previously by the adoption of the Swiss Civil Code.
In Pakistan a new interpretation of the Qurʾān and Sunnah was the declared basis of the reforms introduced by the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance of 1961, although the provisions of the Ordinance in relation to polygamy and ṭalāq are much less radical than the corresponding Middle Eastern reforms, since a second marriage is simply made dependent upon the consent of an Arbitration Council and the effect of a husband’s repudiation is merely suspended for a period of three months to afford opportunity for reconciliation.
Judicial decisions in Pakistan have also unequivocally endorsed the right of independent interpretation of the Qurʾān. For example, in Khurshīd Bībī v. Muḥammad Amīn (1967) the Supreme Court held that a Muslim wife could as a right obtain a divorce simply by payment of suitable compensation to her husband. This decision was based on the Court’s interpretation of a relevant Qurʾānic verse. But under traditional Sharīʿah law this form of divorce, known as khulʿ, whereby a wife pays for her release, is a contract between the spouses and as such entirely dependent upon the husband’s free consent.
These are but a few examples of the many far-reaching changes that have been effected in the Islamic family law. But the whole process of legal reform as it has so far developed still involves great problems of principle and practice. A hard core of traditionalist opinion still adamantly rejects the validity of the process of reinterpretation of the basic texts of divine revelation. The traditionalists argue that the texts are merely being manipulated to yield the meaning that suits the preconceived purposes of the reformers, and that therefore, contrary to fundamental Islamic ideology, it is social desirability and not the will of Allah that is the ultimate determinant of the law.
As regards the practical effect of legal reform, there exists in many Muslim countries a deep social gulf between a Westernized and modernist minority and the conservative mass of the population. Reforms that aim at satisfying the standards of progressive urban society have little significance for the traditionalist communities of rural areas or for the Muslim fundamentalists, whose geographical and social distribution crosses all apparent boundaries. It is also often the case that the qāḍīs, through their background and training, are not wholly sympathetic with the purposes of the modernist legislators—an attitude often reflected in their interpretations of the new codes.
Such problems are, of course, inevitable in the transitional stage of social evolution in which Islam finds itself. But the one supreme achievement of jurisprudence over the past few decades has been the emergence of a functional approach to the question of the role of law in society. Jurisprudence has discarded the introspective and idealistic attitude that the doctrine of taqlīd had imposed upon it since early medieval times and now sees its task to be the solution of the problems of contemporary society. It has emerged from a protracted period of stagnation to adopt again the attitude of the earliest Muslim jurists, whose aim was to relate the dictates of the divine will to their own social environment. It is this attitude alone that has ensured the survival of the Sharīʿah in modern times as a practical system of law and that alone provides its inspiration for the future.

The Substance of Traditional Sharīʿah Law

The substance of traditional Sharīʿah law

Sharīʿah duties are broadly divided into those that an individual owes to Allah (the ritual practices or ʿibādāt) and those that he owes to other human beings (muʿāmalāt). It is the latter category of duties alone, constituting law in the Western sense, that is described here.

Penal law

Offenses against another person, from homicide to assault, are punishable by retaliation (qiṣāṣ), the offender being subject to precisely the same treatment as his victim. But this type of offense is regarded as a civil injury rather than a crime in the technical sense, since it is not the state but only the victim or his family who have the right to prosecute and to opt for compensation or blood money (diyah) in place of retaliation.
For six specific crimes the punishment is fixed (ḥadd): death for apostasy and for highway robbery; amputation of the hand for theft; death by stoning for extramarital sex relations (zinā) where the offender is a married person and 100 lashes for unmarried offenders; 80 lashes for an unproved accusation of unchastity (qadhf) and for the drinking of any intoxicant.
Outside the ḥadd crimes, both the determination of offenses and the punishment therefore lies with the discretion of the executive or the courts.

Law of transactions

A legal capacity to transact belongs to any person “of prudent judgment” (rāshid), a quality that is normally deemed to arrive with physical maturity or puberty. There is an irrebuttable presumption of law (1) that boys below the age of 12 and girls below the age of 9 have not attained puberty, and (2) that puberty has been attained by the age of 15 for both sexes. Persons who are not rāshid, on account of minority, mental deficiency, simplicity, or prodigality, are placed under interdiction: their affairs are managed by a guardian and they cannot transact effectively without the guardian’s consent.
The basic principles of the law are laid down in the four root transactions of (1) sale (bayʿ), transfer of the ownership or corpus of property for a consideration; (2) hire (ijārah), transfer of the usufruct (right to use) of property for a consideration; (3) gift (hibah), gratuitous transfer of the corpus of property, and (4) loan (ʿāriyah), gratuitous transfer of the usufruct of property. These basic principles are then applied to the various specific transactions of, for example, pledge, deposit, guarantee, agency, assignment, land tenancy, partnership, and waqf foundations. Waqf is a peculiarly Islamic institution whereby the founder relinquishes his ownership of real property, which belongs henceforth to Allah, and dedicates the income or usufruct of the property in perpetuity to some pious or charitable purpose, which may include settlements in favour of the founder’s own family.
The Islamic law of transactions as a whole is dominated by the doctrine of ribā. Basically, this is the prohibition of usury, but the notion of ribā was rigorously extended to cover, and therefore preclude, any form of interest on a capital loan or investment. And since this doctrine was coupled with the general prohibition on gambling transactions, Islamic law does not, in general, permit any kind of speculative transaction the results of which, in terms of the material benefits accruing to the parties, cannot be precisely forecast.

Family law

A patriarchal outlook is the basis of the traditional Islamic law of family relationships. Fathers have the right to contract their daughters, whether minor or adult, in compulsory marriage. Only when a woman has been married before is her consent to her marriage necessary; but even then the father, or other marriage guardian, must conclude the contract on her behalf. In Ḥanafī and Shīʿite law, however, only minor girls may be contracted in compulsory marriage, and adult women may conclude their own marriage contracts, except that the guardian may have the marriage annulled if his ward has married beneath her social status.
Husbands have the right of polygamy and may be validly married at the same time to a maximum of four wives. Upon marriage a husband is obliged to pay to his wife her dower, the amount of which may be fixed by agreement or by custom; and during the marriage he is bound to maintain and support her provided she is obedient to him, not only in domestic matters but also in her general social activities and conduct. A wife who rejects her husband’s dominion by leaving the family home without just cause forfeits her right to maintenance.
But it is in the traditional law of divorce that the scales are most heavily weighted against the wife. A divorce may be effected simply by the mutual agreement of the spouses, which is known as khulʿ when the wife pays some financial consideration to the husband for her release; and according to all schools except the Ḥanafīs a wife may obtain a judicial decree of divorce on the ground of some matrimonial offense—e.g., cruelty, desertion, failure to maintain—committed by the husband. But the husband alone has the power unilaterally to terminate the marriage by repudiation (ṭalāq) of his wife. Ṭalāq is an extrajudicial process: a husband may repudiate his wife at will and his motive in doing so is not subject to scrutiny by the court or any other official body. A repudiation repeated three times constitutes a final and irrevocable dissolution of the marriage; but a single pronouncement may be revoked at will by the husband during the period known as the wife’s ʿiddah, which lasts for three months following the repudiation (or any other type of divorce) or, where the wife is pregnant, until the birth of the child.
The legal position of children within the family group, as regards their guardianship, maintenance, and rights of succession, depends upon their legitimacy, and a child is legitimate only if it is conceived during the lawful wedlock of its parents. In Sunni law no legal relationship exists between a father and his illegitimate child; but there is a legal tie, for all purposes, between a mother and her illegitimate child. Guardianship of the person (e.g., control of education and marriage) and of the property of minor children belongs to the father or other close male, agnate relative, but the bare right of custody (ḥaḍānah) of young children, whose parents are divorced or separated, belongs to the mother or the female, maternal relatives.

Succession law

An individual’s power of testamentary disposition is basically limited to one-third of his net estate (i.e., the assets remaining after the payment of funeral expenses and debts) and two-thirds of the estate passes to the legal heirs of the deceased under the compulsory rules of inheritance.
There is a fundamental divergence between the Sunni and the Shīʿite schemes of inheritance. Sunni law is essentially a system of inheritance by male agnate relatives or ʿaṣabah—i.e., relatives who, if they are more than one degree removed from the deceased, trace their connection with him through male links. Among the ʿaṣabah, priority is determined by: (1) class, descendants excluding ascendants, who in turn exclude brothers and their issue, who in turn exclude uncles and their issue; (2) degree, within each class the relative nearer in degree to the deceased excluding the more remote; (3) strength of blood tie, the germane, or full blood, connection excluding the half blood, or consanguine, connection among collateral relatives. This agnatic system is mitigated by allowing the surviving spouse and a limited number of females and nonagnates—the daughter; son’s daughter; mother; grandmother; germane, consanguine, and uterine sisters; and uterine brother—to inherit a fixed fractional portion of the estate in suitable circumstances. But the females among these relatives only take half the share of the male relative of the same class, degree, and blood tie, and none of them excludes from inheritance any male agnate, however remote. No other female or non-agnatic relative has any right of inheritance in the presence of a male agnate. Where, for example, the deceased is survived by his wife, his daughter’s son, and a distant agnatic cousin, the wife will be restricted to one-fourth of the inheritance, the grandson will be excluded altogether, and the cousin will inherit three-fourths of the estate.
Shīʿite law rejects the criterion of the agnatic tie and regards both the maternal and paternal connections as equally strong grounds of inheritance. In the Shīʿite system the surviving spouse always inherits a fixed portion, as in Sunni law, but all other relatives, including females and nonagnates, are divided into three classes: (1) parents and lineal descendants; (2) grandparents, brothers and sisters, and their issue; (3) uncles and aunts and their issue. Any relative of class one excludes any relative of class two, who in turn excludes any relative of class three. Within each class the nearer in degree excludes the more remote, and the full blood excludes the half blood. While, therefore, a male relative normally takes double the share of the corresponding female relative, females and nonagnates are much more favourably treated than they are in Sunni law. In the case mentioned above, for example, the wife would take one-fourth, but the remaining three-fourths would go to the daughter’s son, or indeed to a daughter’s daughter, and not to the agnatic cousin.
Under Shīʿite law the only restriction upon testamentary power is the one-third rule, but Sunni law goes further and does not allow any bequest in favour of a legal heir. Under both systems, however, bequests that infringe these rules are not necessarily void and ineffective; the testator has acted beyond his powers, but the bequest may be ratified by his legal heirs.
Further protection is afforded to the rights of the legal heirs by the doctrine of death sickness. Any gifts made by a dying person in contemplation of his death are subject to precisely the same limitations as bequests, and, if they exceed these limits, will be effective only with the consent of the legal heirs.

Procedure and evidence

Traditionally, Sharīʿah law was administered by the court of a single qāḍī, who was the judge of the facts as well as the law, although on difficult legal issues he might seek the advice of a professional jurist, or muftī. There was no hierarchy of courts and no organized system of appeals. Through his clerk (kātib) the qāḍī controlled his court procedure, which was normally characterized by a lack of ceremony or sophistication. Legal representation was not unknown, but the parties would usually appear in person and address their pleas orally to the qāḍī.
The first task of the qāḍī was to decide which party bore the burden of proof. This was not necessarily the party who brought the suit, but was the party whose contention was contrary to the initial legal presumption attaching to the case. In the case of an alleged criminal offense, for example, the presumption is the innocence of the accused, and in a suit for debt the presumption is that the alleged debtor is free from debt. Hence the burden of proof would rest upon the prosecution in the first case and upon the claiming creditor in the second. This burden of proof might, of course, shift between the parties several times in the course of the same suit, as, for example, where an alleged debtor pleads a counterclaim against the creditor.
The standard of proof required, whether on an initial, intermediate or final issue, was a rigid one and basically the same in both criminal and civil cases. Failing a confession or admission by the defendant, the plaintiff or prosecutor was required to produce two witnesses to testify orally to their direct knowledge of the truth of his contention. Written evidence and circumstantial evidence, even of the most compelling kind, were normally inadmissible. Moreover, the oral testimony (shahādah) had usually to be given by two male, adult Muslims of established integrity or character. In certain cases, however, the testimony of women was acceptable (two women being required in place of one man), and in most claims of property the plaintiff could satisfy the burden of proof by one witness and his own solemn oath as to the truth of his claim.
If the plaintiff or prosecutor produced the required degree of proof, judgment would be given in his favour. If he failed to produce any substantial evidence at all, judgment would be given for the defendant. If he produced some evidence, but the evidence did not fulfill the strict requirements of shahādah, the defendant would be offered the oath of denial. Properly sworn this oath would secure judgment in his favour; but if he refused it, judgment would be given for the plaintiff, provided, in some cases, that the latter himself would swear an oath.
In sum, the traditional system of procedure was largely self-operating. After his initial decision as to the incidence of the burden of proof, the qāḍī merely presided over the predetermined process of the law: witnesses were or were not produced, the oath was or was not administered and sworn, and the verdict followed automatically.

Sumber: http://www.britannica.com/topic/Shariah